What I’m about to reveal to you may change your life forever and it might just and probably should “really piss you off.” In fact, the controlling forces that I’ll reveal in this documentary article have already caused well over 50 million human deaths around the world during the last 100 years or so and are planning much more devastation in the very near future.
“Following his appointment and prior to the hearings, Dodd prepared a list of questions and sent them to the major foundations. One reply he received was a call from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which resulted in an appointment with Dr. Joseph Johnson, its recently appointed president (replacing the former president, Alger Hiss.) [My Note: You may remember that Alger Hiss was found to be a communist spy for the Soviet Union.] Johnson said he couldn’t take the time to research and answer Dodd’s questions about the organization, but would make the minute books of the foundation available to one of Dodd’s staffers in their library. Dodd swiftly agreed, believing that Johnson probably did not know what might be in those records.He sent Kathryn Casey, the legal analyst for the Reece Committee, to examine those records, asking her to concentrate on the first years of the Endowment after 1910, and the years from 1917 to 1920. She came back shocked and upset, but having transcribed enough material for Dodd to reconstruct what she had found. In his words (pp. 60-61):“[In the minutes, about 1911] the trustees raised a question. And they discussed the question and the question was specific, “Is there any means known to man more effective than war, assuming you wish to alter the life of an entire people?” And they discussed this and at the end of the year they came to the conclusion that there was no more effective means to that end known to man. So they raised question number two, and the question was, “How do we involve the United States in a war?”“And then they raised the question, ‘How do we control the diplomatic machinery of the United States?’ And the answer came out, ‘We’ must control the State Department. At this point we catch up with what we had already found out, and that was that through an agency set up by the Carnegie Endowment every high appointment in the State Department was cleared.“Finally, we were in a war [My Note: World War 1]. These trustees in a meeting about 1917 had the brashness to congratulate themselves on the wisdom of their original decision because already the impact of war had indicated that it would alter life and can alter life in this country. This was the date of our entry in the war; we were involved. They even had the brashness to dispatch a telegram to [President] Woodrow Wilson, cautioning him to see that the war did not end too quickly.“The war was over. Then the concern became as expressed by the trustees, seeing to it that there was no reversion to life in this country as it existed prior to 1914. And they came to the conclusion that to prevent a reversion, they must control education. And they approached the Rockefeller Foundation and they said, ‘Will you take on the acquisition of control of education as it involves subjects that are domestic in significance? We’ll take it on the basis of subjects that have an international significance.’ And it was agreed.“Then together, they decided the key to it is the teaching of American history and they must change that. So, they approached the most prominent of what we might call American historians at that time with the idea of getting them to alter the manner in which they presented the subject.”The minutes further showed, says Dodd (pp. 61-62), that the Carnegie trustees, upon encountering resistance from established historians, set about “to build their own stable of kept historians, and they even got a working agreement with the Guggenheim Foundation to grant scholarships to their selected candidates who were seeking graduate degrees…. The extent to which the Carnegie trustees were able to build their stable of submissive historians is significant…. Though encountering resistance at first, this group succeeded gradually in capturing more influence in the American Historical Association and affiliated circles.”McIlhany continues (p. 62), “It is important to remember that the [Carnegie] endowment supported U.S. entry into the war, not for any patriotic purpose, but so that the war would provide an excuse for, if not necessitate, Andrew Carnegie’s goal of British-American regional government.” He supports this allegation by quoting much earlier words from Andrew Carnegie himself, dating back to 1893 (p. 21): “Time may dispel many pleasing illusions and destroy many noble dreams, but it shall never shake my belief that the wound caused by the wholly unlooked-for and undesired separation of mother from her child is not to bleed forever. Let men say what they will, therefore, I say that as surely as the sun in he heavens once shown upon Britain and America united, surely is it one morning to rise, shine upon, and greet again the reunited state, the British-American union.” It is thus easy to see how close Carnegie’s intellectual outlook was to that of the Rhodes-Milner group, whose secret society had already been established, according to Carroll Quigley, by March 1891.The foundation minutes of around 1911 expressing the need to control the State Department, as noted above, were apparently written during the tenure of the first president of the endowment, Elihu Root. Mr. Root himself had just finished a term as Teddy Roosevelt’s Secretary of State from 1905 to 1908, so he was in a position to know what control of he State Department could accomplish. Later, say McIlhany (p. 61), “as a U.S. Senator and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Root was probably the most influential trustee at this time.” On August 16, 1918, he wrote to Colonel Edward Mandell House, President Wilson’s advisor and alter ego, discussing the need for “an international community system” to enforce World War 1 settlement terms, which were soon to be negotiated. In response ‘Colonel House wrote back on August 23, telling Root that he had discussed his letter with Wilson, and that he did ‘not believe there would be much difficulty in bringing our minds in harmony upon some plan for a ‘Community of Nations.’” [My Note: They’re talking about the League of Nations which was an earlier version of the United Nations. Also Colonel House was very much in control of President Wilson according to another book reviewed in this book which is “The Creature From Jekyll Island.”]This interest in control of international relations is especially interesting in the light of the second major revelation which Dodd related to McIlhany. Dodd said that in response to his request for information prior to the Reece hearings, he sought and was extended an invitation to visit Rowan Gaither, the president of the Ford Foundation. The visit took place in December 1953. Dodd said that Gaither opened the conversation with an unforgettable admission (p. 63):“Of course, [Mr. Dodd,] you know that we at the executive level here were, at one time or another, active in either the OSS, the State Department, or the European Economic Administration. During those times, and without exception, we operated under directives issued by the White House. We are continuing to be guided by just such directives. Would you like to know the substance of these directives?’“And I said, ‘Yes, Mr. Gaither, I’d like to know.’“The substance was to the effect that we should make every effort to so alter life in the United States as to make possible a comfortable merger with the Soviet Union.’”Shocked by this confession, Dodd recalls responding that, in the light of those directives, he was no longer surprised at the record of left-wing grants by the Ford Foundation. He suggested that Mr. Gaither make those directives public, a suggestion which Gaither brushed aside, indicating that, for public consumption, his foundation was guided by the Ten Commandments, The Sermon on the Mount, the Declaration of Independence, and the U.S. Constitution.Thus the thrust of the major foundations to alter life in the United States toward internationalism, expressed first in 1911 in the minutes of the Carnegie Foundation is found substantially unchanged 42 years later as a guiding principle of the relatively new (but much wealthier) Ford Foundation.”